Dr. Michael Rubin's speech at September 1 Conference organized by MEHR
Persian Translation:
http://iona.ghandchi.com/MEHR/Rubin_speech.pdf
Dear friends,
Dr. Michael Rubin spoke out in Los Angeles last month in an event organized
by MEHR Foundation in remembrance of the massacre of political prisoners in
the summer of 1988.
Dr. Rubin is as an academic and a specialist on the Middle East. He is an
adjunct fellow at The Washington Institute, specializing in Iran, Iraq, and
Afghanistan and currently a visiting scholar at the American Enterprise
Institute and a Council on Foreign Relations international affairs fellow.
He was recently appointed as Iran/Iraq country director.
The following is the text of his speech. The Persian translation is
attached. It may also be viewed at:
Rubin's Speech in Persian
Thank you.
MEHR Iran
P.O. Box 2037
P.V.P., CA 90274
USA
Tel: 310 - 377 - 4590
Fax: 310 - 377 -3103
URL:
http://mehr.org
MEHR is registered as a non-profit organization.
Contributions to MEHR is tax exempt
Michael Rubin’s Speech:
Speech delivered by Michael Rubin, visiting scholar, the American Enterprise
Institute to MEHR Los Angeles, September 1, 2002
Good afternoon and thank you for having me with you at this important
commemoration. It seems like just this morning I was dodging rain in
Washington, DC, so I am thrilled to be in Los Angeles, especially with you
to mark this all too often forgotten anniversary.
The only thing I am not happy about is having to follow Representative
Loretta Sanchez and her call message of support and call for holding the
entire leadership of the Islamic Republic accountable for their actions. It
is not possible to top what she just said.
Before I begin, I also want to acknowledge the work of the Mission for
Establishment of Human Rights. MEHR is doing a fantastic job, and I have the
utmost respect for your work in exposing the Islamic Republic’s massive
violations of human rights.
I was eight yeas old during the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and only made my
first visit to Iran in 1996. I returned in 1999. Many in the West assume
that Muhammad Khatami brought freedom to Iran. After all, reporters like
Robin Wright in The Los Angeles Times reportedly refer to Khatami as “the
leading reformist in Iran.” But I found that’s not what ordinary Iranians
think. Outside the posh cafes of Tajrish Square, in the greasy mechanical
shops and stalls in Shahr-i Rayy and in the bustle of shops and stalls along
Khiaban-i Ferdowsi, Iranians were visibly more tense during my second trip
than they were during my first.
Overwhelmingly, the Iranian people want freedom. That we know. But it’s the
guys with the guns that count. And it is the Islamic Republic that controls
the guys with the guns. The hardliners and vigilantes like Ansar-i Hizbullah
have not gone away. Rather they have regrouped under the support of
Ayatollah Khamene’i, Ayatollah Jannati, and President Muhammad Khatami. In
1996, I asked a teacher where she was during the Islamic Revolution. “I
supported it initially,” she acknowledged. “Khomeini promised an Islamic
democracy. I was a student. I wanted democracy.
By the time I realized six months later that what we would get was a
dictatorship under a shallow patina of Islam, it was too late. We have been
suffering under a brutal dictatorship ever since. But now what can we do?”
Indeed, it is sadly ironic that some American and European policymakers
still insist that Iran has free elections and that Muhammad Khatami is a
democrat. Is the Islamic Republic truly democratic when unelected guardians
disqualify 234 out of 238 presidential candidates on the grounds that they
are too reformist, too democratic, and too accurately reflect the desires of
the Iranian people for freedom? Do they not know that in the Islamic
Republic, elections are not about who Iranians want, but instead who is
least offensive of the limited choice?
Robin Wright is not the only correspondent to misrepresent human rights in
Iran. We must never forget that Iranians deserve the same human rights in
Tehran that Robin Wright enjoys in Los Angeles. The media must be held
accountable. A few weeks ago, I decided to review newspapers from 1989, when
Hashemi Rafsanjani became president. The New York Times and The Washington
Post trumpeted Rafsanjani as a reformer and a moderate. Proof of his
moderation? He appointed Mohammad Yazdi as head of the judiciary! How many
innocent student, intellectuals, and dissidents were tortured and executed
while Yazdi and Rafsanjani spat on human rights? Are purges and torture
proof of moderation? It is the same with Khatami.
Reporters and academic experts trumpeted Khatami as proof of reform in Iran.
After all, when Khatami was Minister of Islamic Guidance, he allowed
numerous books and films to be published and distributed. He did. But we
must not forget that he also banned more than 600 books. We must judge the
Islamic Republic’s leadership by its actions, not by the rose-scented
perfume thrown upon them by fawning intellectuals or shallow reporters.
It is the same thing with Abdul Karim Soroush. He is welcomed in American
and European universities as a reformist. Why? Because he described himself
as such. But this is the man that lead the cultural revolution in the
Islamic Republic, eviscerated Iran’s once formidable universities, and lead
to the flight of the cream of Iran’s intellectual crop. As an American, I
say Iran’s loss is America’s gain, but it is nevertheless a tragedy for all
Iranians. The American academic community has been little better. Many
tenured professors of Middle Eastern and especially Iranian studies
soft-pedal the abuses of the Islamic Republic. Nikki Keddie, for example,
harshly criticizes the Shah for spending billions on arms instead of on
schools and on workers. And perhaps many of his policies deserve criticism.
But, where is the outrage when Muhammad Khatami travels to Moscow to sign a
$7 billion arms and nuclear component purchase at the same time that
teachers march for unpaid wages and Iranian girls prostitute themselves to
put food on their families’ table?
Unfortunately, American scholars of Iran do not have the courage to lead and
some remain fundamentally inconsistent in their analytical criteria. They
depend on the Islamic Republic to provide them with visas so they can do
firsthand research. Research tainted with self-censorship is never honest
and cannot be true scholarship. Khatami talks often of the dialogue of
civilizations. A dialogue of civilizations is important, but it must be
honest. Take a look at the actual exchange. The most recent official U.S.
and Islamic Republic figures tell it all. The U.S. issued 22,000 visas for
Iranians to visit America. That is wonderful news. But the Islamic Republic,
issued just 800 visas for Americans to visit Iran. What’s the Islamic
Republic afraid of? So much for dialogue.
I used to teach Qajar history, but now I’m here as a policy analyst. Let’s
talk about U.S. policy. Is it going in the right direction? I think it is.
But we need your help. Human rights is not a partisan issue. It is an issue
on which both Democrats and Republican agree. But Congressman, Senators, and
policymakers must be educated.
MEHR is doing a great job, but it is the job of all Iranian Americans and,
indeed, all Americans. You may not be happy with all statements out of
Washington. That’s fine. But tell policymakers what they are doing wrong. Be
specific. Correct their misinterpretations. They will listen. I do believe
U.S. policymakers are beginning to understand the issues on Iran.
Of course, groups like the American Iranian Council have tried to muddy the
waters and, unfortunately, have led some Senators and Congressman to de
facto support an Islamic Republic which, ironically, the Iranian people
don’t even support. But truth prevails, even over the big money donations of
oil companies, and the naïve sponsorship of some university programs.
And let’s get to the truth. Never before in history has an ideological
dictatorship willingly given up power no matter what its people say. Civil
society was all well and good in China up until June 3, 1989, but the next
day the world saw the true nature of the Chinese dictatorship. And the
dictatorship of Khamene’i and Khatami is little different. Now let me be
clear. Despite the propaganda of Keyhan, Ettela’at, and IRNA, absolutely no
one in Washington is talking about force against Iran. Almost 100 years
after the start of the first Mashrutiyat, it is up to the Iranian people to
lead a second Mashrutiyat. But we will not support the Muhammad ‘Ali Shah’s
of the present day. We will not support Khamene’i, Khatami, or Shah Akbar
Rafsanjani!
Thanks to the words of Michael Ledeen, Azar Nafisi, and Patrick Clawson,
American policymakers increasingly recognize that the dichotomy in Iran is
not between hardliners and reformers, but rather between government and
dissident. There can be no compromise on freedom. We will not make the same
mistake twice. With your constant pressure and only because of your constant
pressure will American policymakers not throw a repressive Islamic Republic
a lifeline in the naïve belief that they are helping reform. Only with your
vigilance will the State Department not be tempted to pursue the same
mercantilist policies that the European Union regrettably pursues, pumping
money into the wallets of the hardliners, and wounding those who seek
freedom, liberty, and reform.
Again, I repeat, the United States recognizes the wealth and greatness of
Iranian civilization. Iran has a rich and deep culture, and Iranians are
rightfully proud. But we also recognize that the Islamic Republic does not
recognize true Iranian culture. It is not for the United States to ever
impose a leader on Iran. No one wants a puppet in Iran. The future of Iran
is for Iranians and Iranians only to decide. But they must be given a
choice. And whatever they choose, they will have a friend in the United
States. Iran is the key to stability in the Middle East, and has always been
a regional leader. I expect that peace and stability will spread outward
from a peaceful, democratic Iran.
Now more about Iranian culture. I sometime get criticized as do all other
non-Iranians who speak out against the massive human rights violations of
the Islamic Republic. We are sometime told we are against Iran, and we
portray the Iranian people in a negative light. Not so. I have dedicated my
life to the study of Iranian history, I have been the recipient of wonderful
hospitality in Iran, and I am one of the few who has gotten to see Iranian
culture firsthand in Iran, even under the Islamic Republic. But make no
mistake. The culture of the Islamic Republic and the culture of Iran are not
the same. To say that Iranians don’t deserve freedom, don’t deserve liberty,
and must live under a regime they hate--- that is the true disrespect and
disservice to the Iranian people. Policymakers in Washington know the true
wealth and meaning of Iranian culture. And again I repeat, the Iranian
people have a strong friend in the United States. But guide us. Tell us how
to improve our message. Don’t let us forget that more than 65 million
Iranians who do not have freedom desire nothing less than true democracy and
freedom. Educate us. Make sure the Islamic Republic is judged by its actions
rather than its rhetoric.
While France, England, and Senator Chuck Hagel agitate for increasing trade
with Tehran, remind them that the death penalty has doubled under Muhammad
Khatami’s administration. Remind them of the 3,000 who died in a massive
purge of political prisoners in 1988. Read to them Grand Ayatollah Husayn
‘Ali Montazeri’s memoirs detailing the cruelty of officially-sanctioned
purges carried out by the same men marching under the reformist banner.
Public execution including death by stoning is not just a tale of 1988, but
also rather one of 1998 and 2002. Do not just listen to lofty rhetoric of
dialogue of civilizations if the rhetoric is empty.
When Khatami spoke before the Italian parliament, he called for tolerance
and respect. That is good. But where is it? And who is the true Khatami?
What exactly did Khatami mean, then, when he told Iranian television on
October 24, 2000, “if we abide by the Quran, we must mobilize to kill.”
While Khatami talks about a Dialogue of Civilizations, many in the Islamic
Republic talk about a clash of civilizations. They say the U.S. is against
Iranians, and that anyone who wants democracy is an enemy or an agent of the
C.I.A.
They are wrong, and they are facile. There is no clash of civilizations
between Iranians and Americans. Iranians historically are among the
guardians of civilization. There is, however, a clash between those in favor
of human rights, and those in favor of the Islamic Republic. MEHR and the
Iranian community in the United States and Europe must be at the vanguard of
the fight for human rights. Credibility is your ally. Don’t lose it.
Your mission is hard, but important. I look forward to celebrating the
success of your efforts in Tehran. Sooner rather than later. Thank you.
MEHR Iran
P.O. Box 2037
P.V.P., CA 90274
USA
Tel: 310 - 377 - 4590
Fax: 310 - 377 -3103
URL:
http://mehr.org
MEHR is registered as a non-profit organization.
Contributions to MEHR is tax exempt